President Chiang Kai-shek's Double Tenth Message To The Nation
October 10, 1966
My Fellow Countrymen:
Today is the 55th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China. Since our Founding Father led us in our National Revolution, staged the Wuchang uprising, and founded the Republic 55 years ago, we people of the nation, military and civilian alike, have tried to put his San Min Chu I (Three Principles of the People) into practice and have also deemed it our greatest responsibility the safeguarding of the life and freedom of the 700 million people, especially their 5,000-year-old history and culture.
On the New Year's Day (1966), I sounded a serious warning to the effect that the treacherous Chinese Communists were seeking to create a reign of terror by "giving prominence to politics" as envisaged in "Mao Tse-tung's thinking" and by preparing for a "people's war" of the Boxer uprising style.
As is generally known, the changes in the fortune of any nation are determined by its cultural tradition. Once its pre eminent culture is destroyed, the whole national spirit will perish. By then, the independent existence of the nation will become only a nominal one. The reason behind our nation's ability to endure and grow in the past 5,000 years is to be found in the continuation of its fine culture from generation to generation.
The most ignominious page in our long history was written by the Boxer Uprising. However what the Boxers objected to were merely churches, railways, telecommunications, guns, and so on. What they had relied upon as weapons were the ridiculous fiery shields, flying darts, and "eight precious talisman weapons". They were motivated by ignorance and superstition, and were driven to frenzy by the instigation of equally ignorant and superstitious people. They were a far cry from Mao Tse-tung's "Red Guards", whose intention is to destroy our 5,000-year-old cultural tradition by resorting to imbecile actions.
Now that the aim of Mao Tse-tung's pantomime has been laid bare for everyone to see, all intelligent and thinking Chinese will be regarded by him as anti-Mao and anti-party enemies. As a result, he has to resort to the crackpot idea of organizing the ignorant and innocent high school and grade school students into "Red Guards" and pitting them against the 700 million people and the nation's 5,000-year-old history. They are opposed to all human rights, all religious beliefs and scientific knowledge. They are hostile to culture, be it spiritual or material. They are trying to turn the Chinese mainland into shambles of heresy and a bedlam of beasts and birds of prey.
The only weapon the "Red Guards" rely upon is a few "quotes" just as the Boxers relied on the "Hung Teng Chao" charms (Note: Hung Teng Chao was a forerunner of the Boxers, not to be confused with the so-called Hung Teng religious sect). Unfortunately, Mao Tse-tung also holds in his hand dirty and unsophisticated atomic installations. His "Red Guards" are motivated by militancy, aggression, and the brute mentality of "painting the whole world red", a readiness to sacrifice the lives of the Chinese population. He regards the people on the Chinese mainland as his dogs and machines, and he is prepared to take on the whole world for his enemy. We cannot stave off this tragic holocaust in which our history and culture will be totally destroyed unless we the people as a whole rise up against him to ensure continued survival of our nation. In fact, human rights and the civilization of mankind as a whole is facing a crucial challenge.
What is the meaning of "giving prominence to politics" and what is the meaning of the so-called "Mao Tse-tung's thinking" as advocated by the "Red Guards"? According to their own public utterances and boasts, Mao's thinking is derived from:
—Huang Chao, leader of a "peasants' uprising across nine provinces"
—Li Tze-cheng and Chang Hsien-chung, two brigand leaders
—Hang Shan-tung, inventor of the Pai-lien Chiao (White Lotus Sect), which was a group of armed peasants under a religious cloak
—The Boxers, who showed no fear of the return of the Eight Power Allied Forces.
In short, this is the ideology of brigands and bandits who are full of iniquity and devoid of humane qualities.
Mao Tse-tung claims that he follows orthodox "Marxism-Leninism". We all know, however, that he is merely using "Marxism Leninism" as a cover for reenacting the evil doings of: Huang Chao of the late 9th century, Li Tzu-cheng of the 17th century, the Pai-lien secret religious sect of the Yuan dynasty, and the fanatic Boxers of the late Manchu dynasty. His is an ism of "insurrection, insurrection, insurrection," and "insurrection until the very end". What he is doing is even worse than his false rally under the banner of San Min Chu I in the past. While he said he was "willing to work for the full realization of San Min Chu I", the target of his subversion and destruction was no other than the National Revolution itself that strove to carryon the traditional Chinese culture through the instrumentality of San Min Chu I:
Mao used to flatter the Russian Communists by praising them as "leaders of Communism" and that he would "love and protect Soviet Russia" just as he would love and protect his own eyes. But he is now trying to "skin the body and carve out the hearts" of the Russian Communists, who the "Red Guards" are condemning today as "shameful traitors"!
Mao also bragged about his "Neo-democracy" under the pretext of "people's democracy". He cheated the tenant farmers by "promising allotment of farmlands", cheated the workers by pledging to make them "masters", and cheated the intellectuals with the slogan of "united front". In the twinkling of an eye, however, he organized the owner-farmers into "agricultural cooperative societies", swallowed the workers' stocks in the name of "state-private joint operations", and oppressed and insulted the intellectuals through purges, liquidations, mob trials, and false accusations, forcing them to "hand over their hearts" and to parade in the streets wearing paper caps and carrying self-accusing placards as a way of showing remorse and repentance. Mao Tse-tung is bent on the complete eradication of the Chinese people's spiritual and material civilization. To top it all, he "as now started "Red Guard" rampages in an attempt to eliminate each and every intellectual who opposes him openly or secretly! All on the mainland—male and female alike and including the dependents of workers, farmers, soldiers, and Communist Party and Youth Corps members-feel endangered by Mao's incessant cheatings, terrorism, oppression, liquidation, and plunder!
That Mao has to use his "Central Cultural Revolution Committee" in directing the "Red Guards" shows that the organizations of the "Party Central Committee" and the "Communist Youth Corps" have already been dissolved in effect.
The emergence of an "anti party, anti-Mao capitalistic faction in power", even under Mao's pressure control, underscores the fact that his regime has fallen apart completely!
In fighting the "faction in power" today, however, Mao dares not use the military forces at his disposal despite his belief that political power comes out of the gun barrel. Instead, he has instigated the "Red Guards" to fight for him, while at the same time preparing the "Red Guards" as "reserves" for the Communist armed forces. This indicates that his "liberation Army" is being plagued by internal conflict and is shaking at its very foundation!
Mao Tse-tung has closed schools on various levels, confined college students to their campus, and deprived them of their right to seek knowledge, but has not dared use them as "Red Guards" for fear that students may "arouse other students to struggle" against him. Furthermore, "anti-party, anti-Mao, and anti-socialist elements" have by now spread far and wide. They are found on every university campus, in every newspaper or magazine publishing house, and in every play and novel. This means there is an all-out opposition of intellectuals in the cultural and educational fields!
Wu Han and Teng To have concluded that this man Mao, who "dislikes what the people like", is of "unpredictable tempers", and "is rotten inside and out", "perhaps will either go loony or completely witless". Mao has now staged a number of pantomimes. Aren't they results of his having gone loony or completely witless?
Our nation's Founding Father said: "Our National Revolution is not for the promotion of the self-interest of a particular people but for the preservation of international justice and peace." This explains the traditional spirit of the Chinese nation and culture. We believe that man's innate nature is basically good—human nature has in it built-in or natural endowments of conscience, truth, and virtue. This is part of our cultural tradition. This is expressed in practices characterized by the utmost of truth, the utmost of goodness, the utmost of beauty, great wisdom, great benevolence, and great courage. In personal behavior, it is expressed In terms of paternal love, filial piety, fraternal affection, brotherly reverence, respect for the aged, nurturing the young, faithfulness, amity, and election of the wise and the able to public offices. Inwardly, man lives by honesty and propriety. Socially, he lives in harmony with all others and does no harm to any of them. These are what Dr. Sun described as the eight virtues of loyalty, filial piety, benevolence, love, faithfulness, righteousness, harmony, and peace. These qualities likewise form the basis of the unbroken and preeminent culture of the Chinese people. The tyranny and cruelty of the Boxers (of 1900) and the Chinese Communists and their rude, rebellious brutishness are only the results of partial morbidity and temporary abomination. Therefore, it is the common responsibility of every descendant of Emperors Yen and Huang (Note: legendary ancestors of the Chinese people) to save our nation, to save our people, and to save mankind from a great catastrophe. We must assume the responsibility of punishing the utmost un-benevolent of the world with the utmost benevolent of the world. Today we are convinced that Communist evils now plaguing much of Asia come from the Chinese mainland where they will also eventually meet their fateful end. Communist evils in Asia began with the rise of the Chinese Communists and will necessarily end with the downfall of the Chinese Communists. This is by no means a case of wishful thinking but an inevitable logical conclusion. If we do not trace the present chaos to its origin but try to deal with its derivatives, it will be like climbing up a tree to seek a fish—only a waste of time. In fact, this is not only going to be futile but will also result in serious consequences. Therefore, I would like to enumerate several facts to warn those who are internationally known as experts on Chinese problems.
1. You expect that the "next generation" successors to the Red regime on the Chinese mainland may turn out to be more lenient and reasonable. The "Red successors" today—"Red Guards"—and the so-called "international Red Guards" are an expression of "Mao Tse-tung's thinking" and a culmination of the brute concepts once entertained by Huang Chao, Li Tsu-cheng, members of Pai-lien Sect, and the Boxers, who have been long held in contempt in Chinese history and hated by everybody. Furthermore, these same successors have openly asked: "Didn't you pin your hope of peaceful transition on us, the younger generation? Sorry, you are wrong!" They have proclaimed themselves the "demolishers of the Old World" and the "executioners of U.S. imperialism". They have declared that they will "blow up all traditions into smithereens". In view of such fanatic and violent expressions, how do you feel about your earlier "expectations"?
2. You have emphasized the "existence" and "reality" of Mao Tse-tung's effective control on the Chinese mainland. How do you feel about this "reality" and "effective control" now that you have heard of the clashes between the workers and the peasants on the one hand and the "Red Guards" on the other, the conflicts between the intellectuals and the student masses on the one hand and the "Red Guards" on the other, and the organized resistance to the "Red Guards" put up by provincial chiefs, mayors, party commissars, party secretaries in Fukien, Kiangsi, Hunan, Shantung, Shansi, Honan, Hopei, Northeast Provinces, Kansu, Tsinghai, Sinkiang, Inner Mongolia and in cities like Chungking and Sian.
3. You have argued that Mao Tse-tung is no less a follower of the Confucian doctrine of governing by virtue and a symbol of the "modernization of the Chinese cultural tradition". How do you feel now that you have learned that the "Red Guards" on the Chinese mainland have burned down churches, beleaguered foreign embassies and legations, assaulted and insulted nuns and reporters, cut open or sliced off women's coats and skirts with scissors in public ... and regarded "liberty, equality, and fraternity" as nothing but masks to hide ignominy?
4. You have stressed that Peiping's economic strength will be definitely on the increase. However, the Chinese Communists are advocating the "Three-One Movement". According to them, all that anyone needs to possess are one bowl of rice, one pair of chopsticks and one pair of pants. Doesn't this suffice to explain the threadbare living conditions on the Chinese mainland and the psychology of general despair of the people there? How do you feel in the face of such a miserable state of affairs there?
The sincerity and determination of the people of the Republic of China to oppose Communism, suppress Mao Tse-tung, save the country and world have been distorted as selfishness and prejudice on the part of our people and our party. Now facts have proved that during all these years our National Revolution has as its goal the realization of our traditional ideal, that is, the creation of "a great ideal commonwealth" and the salvation of our nation and people.
The ethical and political philosophy of Confucius, which emphasizes the "rule by virtue", has struck deep roots in the hearts of the Chinese people on the mainland. This philosophy is clearly reflected in every sentence of the two popular plays (mentioned earlier), "Hai Jui's Dismissal from Office" and "Hai Jui's Memorial to the Throne". Have you ever noticed these facts?
Our Founding Father's San Min Chu I—embodying the traditional culture of the people and advocating freedom, equality and fraternity-has spread far and wide in the hearts of the people on the mainland. This ideology is reflected in the popular publications "Annals of the Three House Hamlet", "Nightly Chat at Yenshan", "Random Talks of Smoke and Rain", "Angry Sea" and all other literary works which are accused by Mao of "harboring a hope for the Kuomintang's counter-offensive at the earliest date". Have you ever studied the fact that this ideology has been advanced and promoted in all these literary works?
Then the spirit of our National Revolution has also become widely known to people on the mainland. This spirit is mirrored in such literary writings as the "Red Sun", "Soldiers Approaching the City" and "A Thousand Miles of Head Wind", which have made Mao shiver. Have you ever investigated these facts thoroughly?
From time to time, Mao has uttered such excuses and charges as "revisionist usurpation", "capitalist restoration", "anti-Communist revolution" and "hope for the Kuomintang's counter-offensive" to forestall anti-Mao revolutions. Although all these excuses and charges reflect Mao's fear that his cadres may oppose and dethrone him, they also reveal an important fact—what he is really most afraid of is that when his regime disintegrates, our National Revolutionary Forces will launch a counter-offensive, land on the mainland and deal a fatal, final blow to his tottering regime.
We are confident that the 5,000-year-old history and culture of our nation are in the long run indestructible; that the great truth of the San Min Chu I is invincible. Moreover, our 700 million compatriots today are not treading the path of the so-called "revisionism" or "capitalism", but are approaching the road of national revolution in the "Century of San Min Chu I". Today, our compatriots have grown increasingly appreciative of the values of the history, culture, ethics and morality of the Chinese as a people. This is an indication that the success of San Min Chu I is hastening the total collapse and extinction of traitor Mao Tse-tung and his crime-ridden brand of Communism.
Today, all our people — both military and civilian alike-living now in bastions of freedom at home and abroad must fight Mao Tse-tung with a "great San Min Chu I cultural revolution" which embodies morality, democracy, and science. We must fight him with the national spirit of righteousness as exemplified in our history and culture and the wisdom and courage as inherent in that spirit. Under the banners of "the nation above all" and "the country above all", we must battle Mao Tse-tung with resolute actions of righteousness.
Only by achieving total victory in our war—a war dedicated to the defense of our history and culture, to the defense of human rights and freedoms, and to the restoration of our nation—can we assure international peace and security in collaboration with other nations of the world. This is our immutable belief. This is the responsibility we have inherited from the 1911 Revolution—the responsibility to preserve our history and culture from destruction. This is also the great significance of our observing the Double Tenth today.
President Chiang Kai-shek's Message To Chinese Communist Party Personnel
October 9. 1966
Members and Cadres of the Chinese Communist Party:
Tomorrow your mother country-the Republic of China will commemorate the Double Tenth. It marks the 55th anniversary of the National Revolution led by Dr. Sun Yet-sen, our Founding Father, that overthrew the imperial Manchu regime and created the Republic of China. I believe you will never forget this most glorious historic day.
1. Voicing What Communist Party Members Would Wish to Say
I have not seen you or talked with you for a long time. Today our nation is facing a crucial situation. At stake is not only its very survival, but also the life of each and everyone of us. You all are Chinese people, descendants of Yen Ti (Emperor Yen) and Huang Ti (Yellow Emperor). Many of you studied and served under me. Those of you who were once my cadres necessarily know what kind of a revolutionary I have been and how faithful I have been to San Min Chu I (Dr. Sun's Three Principles of the People). At this moment, therefore, I feel I have an obligation to speak to you. First of all, I shall express what you for reasons of personal safety have thus far kept to yourselves. I shall also bring out into the open what each and every one of you must be secretly planning in your own heart without daring to discuss it with anybody else. Mao Tse-tung is afraid that you will voice your genuine feelings and carry out your plans. That is why he has started his so-called "great cultural revolution" which is nothing but a fanatic struggle. For this purpose he has seized upon a few dramas, such as "Hai Jui's Memorial to the Throne" and "Hai Jui's Dismissal from Office"; a few motion pictures, such as "Red Sun"; and a few books, such as "Nightly Chat at Yenshan (Peiping)" and "Annals of the Three-House Hamlet". Furthermore, Mao by enticement and deception has organized your sons and younger brothers into "Red Guards" to destroy the so-called "capitalist faction in power" and "revisionist faction" among you. Mao has resorted to such actions because he knows that the ideas in your hearts, once brought out in their stark reality, will generate a great revolutionary strength against him and that the plans in your hearts, if carried out, will be in the form of revolutionary actions against him. It is by now clear that Mao dares not trust members of your generation—ranging from the leading cadres in party, political, and military sectors all the way down to ordinary party and youth corps members, and the so-called working, farming, and military masses. He believes he no longer can depend on you. That is why he has chosen to rely on those younger than you are, on the nescient teen-agers. He has organized and trained them as "Red Guards" to protect himself, and to continue his one-man tyranny. I know how terribly bitter your sufferings must have been. Your agony, anguish, and anxiety must have been even more excruciating than bodily inflictions. I know, too, what you have been thinking and planning deep down in your hearts. That is why I wish to speak on your behalf, using words that will strike sympathetic chords in your hearts.
2. The Nature and Function of the "Great Cultural Revolution"
The purpose of Mao Tse-tung's "great cultural revolution", according to the "Cultural Revolution Committee", is to ask the people to "use Mao's thinking as a steering wheel", "learn and apply Mao's thinking with full vigor", "read Mao's books, listen to Mao's talks, and do everything according to Mao's instructions". "Mao's thinking" is treated as a panacea in a desperate struggle to save Mao himself from destruction. In reality, it is being used as a talisman to rectify the unorthodox on the part of the Communist party, political, and military personnel. Frankly speaking, Mao is trying to do away with all of you CCP cadres and members who know better and can think for themselves, who have rendered him meritorious services, and made great contributions to the Peiping regime. His real objective is to pave a way for the "Red Guards" to replace you as "successors" to Mao's Communist Party. You can see this very clearly by yourselves and you know more about Mao's intention than others do. Isn't this what you have wanted to say but have not put into words?
I must speak to all CCP personnel frankly and sincerely. You might have joined the Communist Party and served it out of real belief in "Marxism-Leninism". So you have taken part in the so-called "class struggle" and "social revolution". But you could not have foreseen the changes that were to take place in the years following the 1940s. After 17 years of Communist occupation on the mainland and repeated but abortive struggles under the so-called "three red banners"—the general line of proletarian revolution, the great leap forward, and the people's communes—the so-called "class struggle" has become Mao's intra-party power struggle in which everybody is violently set against everybody else. The so-called "social revolution" has now emerged as a "great cultural revolution" of Mao Tse-tung's thinking that oppresses the people and attempts to destroy the Chinese nation by poisoning the minds of the younger generation. Since the 1930s Mao has been using various means to achieve the purpose of enticement, oppression, struggle, liquidation, control, massacre, national destruction, and genocide-all in the name of a proletarian revolution. You all know very well that deducing from the premises of "anti-revisionism", "anti-humanity", "anti-science", and "anti-traditional culture", the so-called Maoism has long lost all ideological vestiges of Maoism-Leninism. In the meantime, under the surging tides of "anti-Mao", "anti-party", and "anti-Communist" thinking, the so-called "Mao's thinking" itself is on the verge of a total collapse. Mao has now thrown away his Marxist-Leninist mantle, thereby exposing his true ugly face, that of brigands in Chinese history, like Huang Chao of the late 9th century, Li Chuang of the 17th century (both roving rebels), and the Boxers towards the end of the Manchu dynasty. Mao has erased the CCP's "administrative system" and "military ranks", and abolished its established systems of "propaganda", "culture", and "education". Mao is trying to destroy Chinese culture altogether, wipe out all intellectuals, batter down modern civilization, and control the peoples of Asia and of the whole world by means of his secret weapon, namely, the "people's war". Mao is trying to outdo what Adolf Hitler did two decades ago. This then is the basic nature and purpose of Mao's "great cultural revolution" and the rampages of his "Red Guards".
3. Mao Tse-tung's Techniques for Struggle
In carrying out his political intrigues, Mao Tse-tung employs only two techniques. The first, used externally, is to live as parasites on something else and when they are sufficiently strong, to turn against their host and destroy it. The second, employed internally, is to exploit something and then eliminate it once it has spent its usefulness. His external moves are as inconsistent as they are unpredictable. At home, he is a brute completely devoid of any sense of gratitude or justice. He is a deadly pest to the country and puissant disgrace to the revolution.
In short, Mao employs nothing but double-dealing in his political struggles. His every word is a lie just as his every action is a fraud. He tries to deceive and defraud everybody on all occasions. You all have been taken in; so too the Kuomintang (Nationalist Party). But the only difference between my case and yours is that I was the first person to discover the wicked intents and deceitful means of the Communists. You have all suffered terribly under Mao's oppression and persecution. This is because in the earlier days, instead of listening to me, you followed Mao, mistaking him as a sincere, truthful leader of Communism. You are hardly to blame. Nor are you the only victims. Even Joseph Stalin, cunning and crafty beyond comparison, was taken in by Mao's suger-coated words about "leaning to one side". In his attempt to deceive Communists in other countries, Mao still placards about in Stalin's name (as if the latter's spirit abided with him).
4. Mao's Intra-Party Purge Struggles
As CCP members, you must have personally witnessed or you yourselves might have experienced the bloody purges Mao Tse-tung has ordered against his adversaries within the party during the last three decades.
After his abortive "autumn harvest uprising" in the Hunan-Hupeh area during the mid 1920s, Mao fled to Chingkangshan to seek refuge under Wang Tso and Yuan Wen-tsai, who harbored him in his desperate hour and thus became his "comrades-in-arms". What ultimately happened to these "friends in need" of Mao's is a story with which all the elder cadres of CCP are altogether too familiar.
During his days in southern Kiangsi in the early 1930s Mao ruled over the so-called "central soviet area" in the name of his joint leadership with Chu Teh. To strengthen his personal power, however, Mao staged a series of bloody struggles. In the subsequent Futien Incident, the 7th Red Army Incident, and the Ningtu Mutiny, Mao set new records of terror and massacre. Those buried in the mass graves there were referred to as the bones and aggrieved ghosts of the "AB regiment", the "reorganization faction", or the "social democratic party". But were they not all cadres of CCP like yourselves?
Later, after our National Revolutionary Army had recovered southern Kiangsi, Mao Tse-tung had to rely on his sole "close comrade-in-arms", Peng Te-huai, for protection during his flight westwards. However, in the two struggles at the "Tsunyi conference" and the "Maoerhkai conference", Mao again succeeded in splitting the CCP in order to usurp its leadership.
Following his arrival in North Shensi, Mao Tse-tung joined up with the local Communists under Liu Tzu-tan. Before long, however, be again used his old trick of "killing an enemy with a borrowed knife". He used Kao Kang to eliminate Liu Tzu-tan. Subsequently, be brought forth the "Kao Kang line" to crush the "Wang Ming line", and in the process gave birth to the so-called "Mao Tse-tung's thought (or thinking)". That is how Mao Tse-tung managed to seize the CCP leadership in his hands.
The pattern of Mao Tse-tung's intra-party struggles always be gins with the use of close comrade-in-arms "B" to topple over comrade-in-arms "A". Then comrade-in-arms "C" will be called in to smite down "B". Mao can be expected to adhere to this pattern in the future until one and all of his close comrades-in-arms are done away with, and until he himself has become the only despot sitting on the Communist throne, alone and deserted by everybody else. These are the deceptive tricks and cruel methods, by means of which you as CCP members have been led to cut one another's throats—all because Mao Tse-tung seeks to satisfy his selfish desires, to accomplish his own designs. This is the record of the last 30 years, a record soaked through and through with your comrades' blood.
Kao Kang was, of course, Mao's close "comrade-in-arms" during his Yenan days. Yet none other than Kao Kang was likewise the victim in Mao's first power struggle during the last 16 years.
For three decades Peng Te-huai and Lo Jui-ching were respectively Mao's first and second closest "comrades-in-arms". They were with him at Chingkangshan, at the Kutien conference, and at the Futien Incident. They were at his side when he fled after the Southern Kiangsi debacle. And they were still with him when he holed up in the loess caves of Yenan. But all because Peng had offered him a piece of unwelcome ad vice following the Communist defeat in the battles of the Taiwan Straits in 1958, Mao took it as a challenge to his leadership. Consequently, Peng was purged. Where is your Comrade Peng today? And what about Comrade Lo Jui-ching? I myself feel much concerned over these two men. If they are still alive, I do hope someday I could have a chance to meet them and work together with them.
Among Mao Tse-tung's other top lieutenants in your party, especially in the North district, Liu Shao-chi should deserve the No. 1 place. Liu was of great help to Mao in the labor movements in the North. Peng Chen, Liu's assistant, rendered similar contributions in the student movements in the same area. It is an indisputable fact that both men did much to put Mao where he is today. Their ser vices to your party and your regime have been equally "meritorious". Nevertheless, Mao bas all but spelled out the names of Liu and Peng when he declared the so-called "capitalist faction in power" as target of his current and third power struggle. As is generally known, Peng Chen has been purged and Liu has been subjected to a kind of mental ling-chih (death by slicing) which, I believe, must be much more severe and un bearable than the visible knock down that has been dealt Peng Chen.
In the field of cultural propaganda, Lu Ting-i certainly should rank among Mao Tse-tung's top lieutenants, and Chou Yang second. Throughout the 1930s and until recently, the "contributions" of Lu and Chou in directing CCP's cultural propaganda programs were by no means inconsiderable. Yet they are now cast aside by Mao.
All these incidents are self-explanatory. Mao Tse-tung will stop at nothing in his search for tricks of deceit. His techniques can be as unpredictable as he is himself unscrupulous. He will go to the extent of giving you the No. 2 position when you are still valuable to him. But once your usefulness is over, he will either have you "sent down" to the border regions for reformation by labor, or have you imprisoned, or have you buried alive. This is the vicious method he has used on many occasions against his fellow party members as well as outsiders.
5. Concern for the Mainland Intellectuals and Retired Servicemen
For this reason, I feel all the more anxious about intellectuals, retired servicemen, and those who used to serve under my command on the mainland. You have all sweated and shed blood for the CCP and the "Liberation Army". After going through fire and hell for Mao Tse-tung, all you have left is your very breath. Now that you are old and retired, there is no land for you to till, no home to return to. You have no assurance of supply of daily necessities, and you have no one to depend on. Since Mao has found you no longer useful, he will not only forsake you but also direct his teen-aged "Red Guards" against you. In this way, he will be able to evade all his responsibilities toward you.
I am equally apprehensive about the intellectuals trapped behind the Bamboo Curtain. Under Mao Tse-tung's massive struggle-campaigns aimed at destroying China's culture and liquidating "the tradition of literature and the arts of the 1930s", you have been purged individually and persecuted collectively. The historical tragedy of "burning books and burying scholars alive" witnessed 2,200 years ago under the tyrannical Shih Huang Ti of the Chin dynasty is being repeated with greater intensity in this 20th century world of ours. Mao is turning the Chinese mainland into jungles inhabited only by wild beasts. With his "Mao thinking", he is trying to poison the minds of the youngsters on the mainland, who are the seed lings of our nation, and to turn them into ignorant, soulless brutes. What he is now doing is catastrophic to our nation as well as to the world-a monstrous crime against China's culture and a disaster such as the Chinese nation has never experienced before and is unlikely to experience again in the future.
6. Do You Still Have Any Hope in Mao Tse-tung?
If you Communists still believe that Mao Tse-tung represents the orthodoxy of Marxism-Leninism and you still hope that he can carry out your ideal of a social revolution, then the "Red Guards"—your sons and younger brothers — will purge you. Your relatives, too, will be subjected to the struggle. In such a case, how can your next generation have any hope of coming to a good end when your own generation does not.
—Are you sure that you will no longer become the targets of Mao Tse-tung's purge?
—Once Liu Tzu-tan, Kao Kang, Peng Te-huai, Lo Jui-ching, Peng Chen, Lu Ting-i, Liu Shao-chi, and other Chinese Communist cadres were Mao Tse-tung's "close comrades-in-arms". Can you ever hope to have a closer relationship with Mao than theirs?
—Aren't you afraid to become the target of struggle of the "Red Guards", who as sons are rebelling against their fathers?
—When the great masses of people "are carrying out a rebellion and will carry their rebellion to the end", can't you imagine what the effects of their hostility and resentment toward you will be like?
—Do you feel that sentimentally you still owe something to Mao Tse-tung, a treacherous traitor who "has been ruling the country tyrannically and brutally and whose crimes cannot be redeemed even by his death"?
—What do you intend to do now?
—You want to consult each other personally. What kind of things are you going to discuss?
7. The Ten Questions in Your Mind
You may have wondered about the perverse acts and monstrous crimes which Mao Tse-tung bas committed for a long time. In addition, although you have not spoken out, every one of you must have been bothered by these gnawing questions:
(1) Why did Mao Tse-tung accuse and persecute Kao Kang, who actually had contributed so much to Mao's seizure of power, for attempting to establish an independent kingdom? And why was Peng Te-huai, who was always "loyal" to Mao and one of his closest comrades-in-arms, purged, and why is his present whereabouts unknown?
(2) No one has ever thought that Mao would use "revisionism" as a charge to purge his henchman Peng Chen and that he would use a false accusation to arrest Lo Jui-ching, who as a military cadre had directed Mao's intelligence work in the past for 30 years. If those who had done so much for Mao have come to such a sad ending, what will be the fate of those who are no longer useful in Mao's eyes?
(3) Even those who carried out the "literary and art movement" with Mao Tse-tung in the 30s, including Lu Ting-i, Wu Leng-hsi, Chou Yang, Chen Yi (not foreign minister), Chen Chi-tung, Wu Han, and Teng To, cannot escape their fate of being purged. Moreover, those involved in the purge include university presidents, professors, party commissars, party secretaries, and leaders of propaganda and cultural organizations. Why have so many high-level intellectuals (almost all of them cultural cadres)—to be counted in thousands—taken a common stand and determined to oppose Mao? Does Mao prefer to set himself against so many intellectuals? If the present situation should continue, can the Chinese Communist Party machine remain standing? And how much longer can Mao Tse-tung survive?
(4) Why has Mao Tse-tung come to be possessed by such a "fantastic idea", namely, to pick out "cultural revolution" as the means of purging so many innocent and "meritorious" civilian and military cadres inside the party? So far Mao has kept mum while his supporters kept clamoring for the "overthrow of the capitalist faction in power". Doesn't Mao himself belong to the "faction in power"? If he does not belong to it, then who are the ones in power?
(5) What is "Maoism"? Mao has claimed that he is an orthodox "Marxist-Leninist". If so, why didn't he mythologize "Marxism-Leninism" but instead has tried to mythologize his own "Maoism' as a substitute for "Marxism-Leninism" out of selfish consideration?
(6) According to the CCP by-laws, a national party congress must be convened once every five years. But Mao Tse-tung has postponed such a meeting for more than 10 years. Even the plenary sessions and ordinary meetings of the CCP Central Committee have not been held on schedule. Hasn't Mao violated the CCP's by-laws? In doing so, Mao has not only disregarded the rights and opinions of all party members but also concentrated all powers in his hands to facilitate his personal control and used the "Central Committee" as an instrument for purging party members, eliminating all dissidents and persecuting his cadres.
(7) In the past Mao Tse-tung had frantically carried out his policy of three red banners—the "people's communes", the "big leap forward" and the "general line"—banners that are unscientific as well as inhuman. During that period, people on the mainland were reduced to a most intolerable condition, not knowing how, when and where would come their miserable end. That was bad enough. Unexpectedly Mao has recently forced the teen-agers in their ignorance into the "Red Guards" to ransack every household and humiliate everybody in it. Even Communist party, political, and military cadres were beaten up or killed by the "Red Guards" while the latter were carrying out Mao's terrorist and deadly second "big leap forward". So long as Mao thinks he can rebuild "Maoism" on the "debris of Communism", so long will he remain bent on starting a nuclear war even if that would mean annihilation for half of the population on the mainland. Is there really no way for us to escape from such a holocaust? Is this the beginning of what Mao terms the second liberation movement?
(8) Isn't it strange that Mao Tse-tung has looked with disfavor on other Communist countries and accused them of being "revisionists" as an excuse to denounce them and thus to break up the solidarity of the Communist bloc, but only succeeded in isolating himself and finding himself encircled by hostile forces?
(9) Who masterminded the "Afro-Asian Conference" and the coup d'etat in Indonesia? What is the result of Peiping's cold war in Africa and its hot war against India? In carrying out their "diplomatic activities" and in exporting "revolutions", do the Chinese Communists want to defame and destroy their own party?
(10) Didn't Mao say that North Vietnam is our "brotherly country"? Mao wants to control North Vietnam and has often declared that he would take positive actions to support North Vietnam and to fight with it side by side. But, in the past year or so, when the North Vietnamese Communists and people were suffering the tragic consequences of war, Mao has given only lip service and taken no actual action. Isn't this a case of shamelessly deceiving a brotherly country when its very survival is at stake? If Mao cannot support North Vietnam, why doesn't he permit other brotherly Communist parties to come to its aid? Why doesn't he allow Hanoi to negotiate a peaceful settlement with the other side directly? Will the agony, defeat and destruction of North Vietnam be a triumphant success for Mao Tse-tung and the Chinese Communist Party? What is the reason behind all this? Why has no one asked him to give a clear-cut explanation?
In short, these ten problems should have been solved within your Communist Party long before this. I believe that all of you Communist cadres must have been thinking yourselves as to the way to resolve them, but have failed to find any. I believe that Mao Tse-tung himself is at a loss as to what to do. No one knows whether what appears to be Mao Tse-tung today is really the man himself or merely a stand-in, a mute or a live puppet. Perhaps not even Mao himself knows the truth. Do you? With your party in such a bad shape and with Mao Tse-tung himself in such a state of confusion, can you as cadres carry on much longer without resolving the problems in time and continue to run the risk and indefinitely bear the unbearable?
Are you prepared to follow Mao Tse-tung to the grave? I don't think you will do that if you are true revolutionary party members or socialists. Frankly, I am as much concerned over your life and future as I am about the life of our country and the future of our own National Revolution. I must earnestly tell you that the most urgent thing you should discuss among yourselves is how to save your selves and the country. Moreover I know that the only road before you is the one you once traveled before—the revolutionary road under San Min Chu I for the salvation of the country, the nation, the society, and the masses. This is the only road that is open to you. I am certain that henceforth you will cease being obsessed with the idea that Communism or Mao's thinking is a means for the salvation of the country and the people. At the time of the Northward Expedition, you did much in the interest of our National Revolution. At the time of the War of Resistance, you exerted yourselves under the banner of San Min Chu I. If you all repent in time and work in unison, you can follow me in marching toward our supreme common goal of realizing Dr. Sun Yat-sen's San Min Chu I which is National Revolution dedicated to the salvation of the nation, the people, and yourselves. In this way you can free yourselves from the shackles of Mao Tse-tung's thinking and help overthrow the despotic rule.
8. The Goal of National Revolution Under San Min Chu I
You must have known that the goal of our San Min Chu I National Revolution is to defend our nation and our culture. In practical terms, this is also to defend the people's life, the nation's independence, social harmony and the people's freedom and happiness. In other words, this is to protect our individual personality, our family life and our individual happiness, our academic freedom, our freedom to choose our own profession, and the freedom of every farmer to till his own land and reap his own harvest. Your children will be entitled to receive education and to enjoy the freedom of creed and thought. These are all accomplished facts in Taiwan, a model province built on the basis of San Min Chu I. The depth of our national culture and the magnanimity of San Min Chu I guarantee that your generation and the generations after you will all be spared the scourge of Mao-styled Boxers and the terror and threat of primitive, reactionary violence; and that you and your offspring are entitled to protection under the Constitution of the Republic of China.
9. Three Solemn Declarations to the CCP Military and Political Cadres
I solemnly declare before you, all CCP military and political cadres:
First, if you are not hostile to the National Armed Forces, and receive and respond to them during the counterattack, you will be rewarded according to merits, incorporated into the National Armed Forces, and accorded the same treatment as the National Armed Forces.
Secondly, your military and political status will be recognized immediately if you can defect from the Communist ranks and abide by the laws and orders of the Government of the Republic of China and the Ten Pledges I made to the officers and men now in Communist uniform, CCP cadres and members of the party and the Youth Corps. You will be commissioned accordingly as platoon, company, battalion, regiment, division or army commanders, and you will be promoted according to merit. At the same time, you will be appointed administrative chiefs of the recovered districts. If you are stationed in the coastal area and ask for our help, our forces will be able to reach you within six hours and to fight shoulder to shoulder with you.
Thirdly, I think all the military and the civilians of the nation are sailing a stormy sea in the same boat of destiny today in quest of continued existence for the life of the race, welfare of the people, and individual freedom. We have only one heart, and that is, to overthrow the arch enemy of the nation, the rogue of the people, and the sinister despot—Mao Tse-tung. We have only one goal, and that is, to rebuild a new China of freedom, equality, and fraternity, as envisaged in San Min Chu I, conceived by the Republic's Founding Father-Dr. Sun Yat-sen. I have often said that "all who are not our enemies are our comrades". As long as you are sincere and are not hostile to the National Revolutionary Forces, all of you, members of the Communist Party or Youth Corps, are our comrades. You will be treated as our comrades-in-arms just like you were in the past and you will not be discriminated against. As soon as Mao Tse-tung is toppled, we shall propose and convene the Second National Assembly to amend the Constitution by representatives elected by the people of the whole nation, and to rebuild and reunify our country on the basis of San Min Chu I as a nation whose people enjoy freedom, equality, and in dependence. This is the goal of our National Revolution. Every Chinese citizen is entitled to vote and/or to be voted into office irrespective of his class or party affiliation.
10. Let the Anti-Mao Forces in the Nation Unite
I hope all the anti-Mao forces on the mainland will join hands with our patriotic compatriots both at home and abroad to seize upon the existing opportunity, take action, return a relentless blow to the relentless, rabid, bellicose, and adventurous traitor—Mao Tse-tung. I believe when the National Forces land on the mainland, the people will be relieved of all sufferings, the throe of national disaster will be shortened, and success can be attained in a short period of time. Then, the Republic of China can "fulfill its international obligations as a civilized nation and enjoy the rights of such a nation". She will also share with other righteous nations the responsibility of maintaining peace in order to head off humankind from a thermo-nuclear holocaust and to move ahead together toward the great commonwealth of universal brotherhood.
Ambassador Liu Chieh's Statement At The 21st UN General Assembly Session
October 12, 1966
Mr. President:
The General Assembly has once again been convened, Mr. President, in an atmosphere of crisis and tension. Around the world there are areas where the scourge of war has brought untold sorrow to millions of people, areas where racist policies have engendered situations taut with peril, and areas where national animosities could at any moment burst into open flame. Thus, all the world wants peace and yet there has been no peace in the hearts of men.
These grim facts are not, however, unrelieved by developments which should be greeted by the international community with hope and satisfaction.
It is gratifying, for example, to note that the relations between Indonesia and the Federation of Malaysia have at last taken a turn for the better. The campaign to "crush" Malaysia, inspired and abetted by the Indonesian Communists, has now been called off. With the suppression of the Communist Party, the present leadership of Indonesia has successfully resolved its differences with its neighbors. This will bring benefit not only to Indonesia and her close neighbors but also to the entire Southeast Asian region.
The cease-fire between India and Pakistan has been maintained. The general situation in Cyprus remains relatively quiet. It is our fervent hope that the parties concerned will soon find it possible to resolve the basic issues which have so long beclouded their relations.
In the Western Hemisphere, peace has happily come to the Dominican Republic. The Dominican people now seem assured of a period of peaceful development.
In spite of these welcome developments, however, the overall world situation does not encourage optimism. The war in Vietnam has shown no signs of abating. It is all too clear that the Communist authorities in North Vietnam are determined to subjugate the Republic of Vietnam at all costs.
What is happening in Vietnam is not a local rebellion caused by internal discontent. It is a war of aggression conducted from across the northern border of the Republic of Vietnam. The Viet Cong guerrillas are the creatures of Hanoi. They are trained, armed, supplied and directed by the Communist North with the support of Peiping. Their mission is to destroy the Republic of Vietnam's will to resist, to erode its faith in the future, to paralyze its social, economic and political progress. Their favorite targets for murder and destruction include teachers, medical officers, village official and local community leaders. In the countryside and in small provincial towns the number of innocent people murdered now runs into tens of thousands. And this is called a "war of national liberation!"
Yet the people of the Republic of Vietnam have not been intimidated into submission. Even in the midst of war they have never ceased to make progress in the social, economic and political realms. In September this year elections were held for a constituent assembly to draw up a new constitution. It is a representative assembly elected on the basis of universal suffrage. Its members have come from all walks of life and every geographical area. This is no small achievement in a wartorn country and should give food for thought to those who are ready to believe the worst of the Republic of Vietnam.
The Republic of Vietnam is a small and militarily weak country. Faced with a situation with which it could not adequately cope, its Government was forced to call upon the United States to come to its assistance. The United States answered that call, recognizing and accepting the great responsibilities devolved upon it as the leader of the free world. We believe the purpose of the U.S. and its allies in Vietnam is to halt Communist aggression and to enable the people of South Vietnam to choose their own path into the future in peace and without outside interference. Communist subversion and aggression must be halted in Vietnam, just as it was halted in Greece and Turkey, Korea and the Caribbean.
My delegation sincerely hopes that the day will soon come when the brave people of the Republic of Vietnam, who have suffered so much and so long from external aggression, will once again be able to live in peace among themselves as well as with their neighbors. We are appreciative of the initiatives taken by various governments and individual statesmen in an effort to bring the Vietnam issue from the battlefield to the conference table. But it seems to us that before any meaningful negotiations can be undertaken, there must be a clear understanding of the ends to be achieved. Certainly, the freedom and independence of the Republic of Vietnam cannot be bargained away in the name of peace. Certainly, negotiation cannot mean any abandonment of resistance to Communist aggression, thus leaving the Republic of Vietnam to tender mercies of Ho Chi Minh. Certainly, negotiation cannot be just another name for defeat for all the people of Southeast Asia who refuse to submit to an unwanted fate.
Unfortunately, this is precisely what some influential people have been advocating. These people seem to believe that the conflict in Vietnam is just an American war. They seem to think that peace will come to Vietnam once American forces are withdrawn. This, if I may say so, is unadulterated appeasement. If the history of the Second World War teaches any lesson it is that appeasement does not advance the cause of peace; it will only whet the appetite of the aggressor and encourage him to commit more and more aggressions until a time when there is no tolerable alternative to war.
The whole of Southeast Asia, Mr. President, needs peace. But it must be a genuine peace, a peace based on law and justice and not one that will deliver millions of free men to Communist enslavement.
But Hanoi and Peiping want no lasting peace. Conflict to the bitter end is the stuff from which they draw their very sustenance. They are out in the Republic of Vietnam to win victory for Communism. To achieve that victory they will stop at nothing. They do not believe that the United States, for all its military might, has the patience and perseverance to fight a protracted war. They are convinced that sooner or later the United States will be forced by pressures at home and abroad to withdraw. It is for this reason that they have rejected all proposals for a peaceful settlement of the Vietnam war. It is for this reason that they have spurned the offers of peace articulated by the distinguished Representative of the United States in his speech before this Assembly. They have nothing but contempt for the suggestion that both sides take steps to de-escalate the war. "The core of the Vietnam question," declared the People's Daily of Peiping in a recent editorial, "is by no means the question of de escalating the war, but a question for the U.S. aggressors to pack themselves off immediately from Vietnam, lock, stock and barrel." (24 September 1966)
It is thus crystal clear that Peiping and Hanoi want no political solution of the Vietnam question and that the only language they understand is the language of force and violence. Peace, therefore, wilt not come to Vietnam until the Communist aggressors are convinced that they cannot win by force and violence and that aggression does not pay. At present they are not so convinced. On the contrary, they believe that they are already halfway to victory. All proposals for peace are in their view a "hoax" and a "bait" designed to induce the Vietnamese to lay down their arms and abandon their struggle for "national liberation."
So much for Vietnam. Let me now turn to the general problem of building peace.
The agenda of peace covers a multitude of items. It is not enough to prohibit the threat or use of force. It is not enough merely to resist aggression. As long as the conditions unfavorable for the building of peace exist, peace will remain pre carious. Questions such as disarmament, colonialism, economic development and the protection of human rights are all intimately connected with the problem of peace. The views of the Chinese delegation on these subjects will be expressed when the appropriate items are reached. I content myself here with a cursory review of the broad principles which have guided my delegation in regard to them.
My Government is conscious of the dangers inherent in the arms race. We are particularly concerned about the danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons. We regret that the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament has not been able to come to any agreement on this vital question. The Geneva discussions seem to have achieved some progress in this field, but the conditions for a speedy agreement are still lacking.
In this connection, my Government strongly condemns the utter irresponsibility of the Communist regime in Peiping which, in defiance of world opinion and contrary to the true interests of the Chinese people, has ventured into the nuclear field. We have more than once warned that in the hands of such an aggressive regime, nuclear weapons become an instrument of political and psychological blackmail.
At the last session of the General Assembly I had the occasion to state the following:
"Whether the Chinese Communist regime can succeed in its blackmail against the small and weak states depends to a large extent on the effectiveness of the United States nuclear umbrella over them. Indeed, the future security of the non Communist countries of Asia will test not only the courage and fortitude of their peoples to defend their independence and freedom, but also the will and resolution of the United States as the leading nation of the free world to carry out its defense commitments ... Were the United States to withdraw from Asia, all the non-Communist countries on that vast continent will feel the impact. The non-aligned or non-committed countries are no exception. For, after all, Asian neutralism is possible only as long as the United States and its allies are committed to Asia's defense."
I believe this is even more true today than ever before. The Chinese Communist regime is opposed to any plan designed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. It has blasted the "revisionist leading group of the Soviet Union" which, "in collusion with U.S. imperialism, is actively engineering a treaty on the prevention of nuclear proliferation so as to maintain their nuclear monopoly, intimidate the oppressed nations and peoples and realize its dream of world domination through Soviet-U.S. collaboration." (Chou En-lai on Peiping's Third Nuclear Test, 10 May 1966) It is thus sheer fantasy to expect this regime to contribute constructively to the problem of disarmament.
It is not a safe world when two thirds of its inhabitants arc destitute, undernourished, sickly and ignorant. Men now know that suffering and privation need not be their fate, and they can no longer be expected to endure them with resignation.
It is universally recognized that the principal responsibility for promoting the economic development of a country lies with the country itself. International aid and cooperation are no substitute for national action. Nevertheless, the developing countries cannot be expected to achieve rapid economic growth without outside assistance. Nor can the developed countries ignore the needs of two thirds of the world's population. Economic development is thus a joint enterprise, an enterprise in which every nation, regardless of the stage of development, is a partner.
The record of the United Nations in the economic field has been quite impressive. The specific measures taken by the United Nations include technical cooperation, financial aid, trade policies and a host of other activities. But the magnitude of the task calls for more resources than the United Nations can supply. In the course of 1966, however, international aid, as the Secretary-General has pointed out in his introduction to his annual report, "is stagnating while the capacity of developed countries to provide such aid, measured in terms of an increase in their per capita incomes, has become greater." It cannot be too strongly emphasized that in order to enable the developing countries to accelerate the rate of economic growth, the volume of external resources must be expanded and made available to them. Failure to do so may spell an actual decline in the standards of living of the bulk of humanity, with all the political consequences that decline may imply.
The Republic of China is a developing country, with a notably high rate of economic growth. In the province of Taiwan agricultural as well as industrial production has increased many folds in the past fifteen years.
We have, of course, still a long way to go. Like all developing countries, the Republic of China welcomes capital and technology from the industrially advanced countries. We seek private investment rather than external aid, not merely for the in-flow of capital but also for the technology and technical skills which such investment inevitably brings.
We of the Republic of China have, in a modest way, been sharing our developing experiences, particularly in the agricultural field, with other developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Our participation in the recently established Asian Development Bank bespeaks our interest in and devotion to the cause of international cooperation.
In the same spirit, the Republic of China has joined with nine other Asian and Pacific countries in the formation of the Asian and Pacific Council—ASPAC—at the historic meeting in the capital of the Republic of Korea for the purpose of promoting greater cooperation and solidarity among the free nations of the region and to safeguard their national independence and integrity against external aggression, as well as to develop their national economies. In the relatively short time since its establishment, the ASPAC, as the distinguished Foreign Minister of Thailand has pointed out, has already shown much promise.
The economic progress achieved in the province of Taiwan offers a glaring contrast to the deterioration of economic conditions in the mainland provinces now under Communist occupation. The critical dislocation brought about by the disastrous "Big Leap Forward" launched in 1958 is still very much in evidence. The subsequent shift of emphasis from industry to agriculture has not helped increase grain production. Competent students of Chinese Communist affairs are agreed that the grain production in 1965 was not substantially different from that of 1957. Meanwhile there has been an estimated 15 per cent increase in population. Even with the vast quantities of wheat purchased from abroad, the Chinese masses on the mainland continue to suffer hunger and malnutrition, notwithstanding propagandist reports to the contrary.
No, Mr. President, Communism is no short cut to economic development; it is a drag on it. As for Chinese Communism, it is synonymous with stagnation and want.
But Mao Tse-tung and his gang are not in the habit of admitting defeat. They continue to brag about their victories on the economic front. Already there is talk about launching another "Big Leap Forward". If so, they are in fact hastening their own down fall. Let no one presume too far on the patience of the Chinese people. The day may not be too distant when a convulsive burst of mass fury will sweep the Communist tyrants out of existence.
Mao Tse-tung knows that his regime is hated by the people. Guilt-ridden by awareness of his crimes, he labors under special fears. He trusts no man except a few of his closest associates. Himself a master of intrigue and duplicity, he cannot for a moment escape the dread that there are always people who are plotting against him. Better than anyone else, he knows that even a relatively small body of "internalenemies," given propitious conditions, can overturn a seemingly impregnable system. If is in this light that the so-called "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution", which has created suc